Category: Consumer Financial Protection Bureau

  • No, The CFPB’s Not Dead. It’s Not Even Close to Dead. 

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    A lot of coverage of the Trump-Musk takeover of the CFPB has been treated the matter as if the Trump-Musk blitz has destroyed the agency. It hasn’t. Not even close. The CFPB has been stood down for now, but it is fundamentally intact. It hasn't been "deleted."  
     
    It is possible for a smart, determined, and patient administration to seriously unwind large parts of the regulatory state while playing be constitutional rules.  DOGE, however, lacks the knowledge, personnel, and time to actually accomplish this. You need a lot of lawyers who know how agencies work—both in terms of substantive law and in terms of federal government employment law. They don’t have that. All they have is a handful of under-25-year old engineers and a few non-specialist attorneys. These folks don’t know how to actually dismantle government agencies. That’s why DOGE has adopted the shock-and-awe approach to government that makes lots of headlines and can foul things up for a while and generally make life unpleasant, but it isn’t actually capable of making any lasting structural changes DOGE cannot kill off the CFPB. That’s because the CFPB requires two things to be effective:  its legal authorities and its personnel. Trump and Musk have not dismantled either.  

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  • Russ Vought Breaks the Law on His First Day as CFPB Director

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    The CFPB's acting Director, Project 2025's Russell Vought notified the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve Board that the CFPB would not be making its permitted annual draw on the Fed for funding this year. He also direct the CFPB to cease all examination and supervision activity. Both actions are illegal.

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  • Shutting Down CFPB Is Not Like Shutting Down USAID

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    Elon Musk seems to have CFPB on his hit list after having trashed USAID. Here's the thing: shutting down CFPB is actually very different in effect than shutting down USAID. USAID provides an important set of tools for American diplomacy and funds a lot of good works around the world. But it is not a regulatory agency. It doesn't administer statutes and promulgate regulations. CFPB does. Shutting down USAID harms development aid recipients and diminishes the US's foreign relations toolkit, but it doesn't cause problems with the operation of US law. Shutting down CFPB does.

    Shutting down the CFPB does not void the Consumer Financial Protection Act or the enumerated consumer laws the CFPB administers like the Truth in Lending Act and the Electronic Fund Transfer Act. Those authorities can only be changed by an act of Congress, which will require 60 votes in the Senate. Nor would a work shutdown void the regulations the Bureau has promulgated under those laws. Those can only be repealed through notice and comment rulemaking. But it does mean that there would be no one with authority to update and adjust those regulations, which can all be enforced by state attorneys general, who are likely to pick up some of the slack from a non-functioning CFPB. (Remember that a violation of an enumerated consumer law is a violation of the Consumer Financial Protection Act, triggering CFPA remedies, not just the enumerated consumer law's remedies.) 

    This might not matter to Musk in his move fast and break things mode, but a non-functional CFPB is going to cause real problems for regulated financial institutions.  Let's start small:  the Truth in Lending Act has exemptions for smaller transactions. The exemptions get inflation adjusted, but that requires a functional CFPB to promulgate the adjustments through rulemakings. Or suppose a firm wants to get a no-action letter. That's not going to be possible without the CFPB functioning. Or suppose there is another pandemic-like crisis that requires temporary suspension of certain rules. Not possible if the agency isn't up and running. Bottom line: there are real problems that will arise from having a zombie agency responsible for over a dozen major federal laws.  

    Feb. 8. 2025 update:  Both USAID and CFPB have statutory duties to Congress. Like USAID, the Bureau is required to submit various annual or semi-annual reports to various Congressional committees (see e.g. or here or here or here or the last section here). These reports are a critical part of Congressional oversight over the Bureau. A Bureau that isn't operating can't exactly do that, which might be grounds for members of Congress to bring litigation against the administration. Whether a report that simply says "We didn't do anything because we didn't feel like it, nyah, nyah," makes muster is an open question—is there a good faith requirement implied? I could see courts saying, "It's up to Congress to discipline an insubordinate agency or a President who fails to take care that the laws are faithfully executed." But the reporting requirement might give members of Congress a hook for litigation over deactivating the agencies based on a concern that the agency will not report and that it will be impossible for Congress to undertake timely action. After all, there is a new Congress every two years, basically pressing a restart button, such that failure to transmit an annual report for 2025 would not even be on Congress's radar until 2026 and Congress might not have time to act before a new Congress is in place. Put another way, courts might need to take judicial notice of Congress's limited temporal bandwidth for governing a federal government that is vastly more complex than anything the Framers imagined.

     

  • Hal Scott’s Call for a Presidential Ukase on the CFPB

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    Hal Scott is at it again, calling for President Trump to shut down the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau by executive order. Scott's logic here is that (according to him) the CFPB has not had a legal basis for its funding in recent years, so the President would simply be "tak[ing] care that the laws be faithfully executed" by standing down the agency's activities for lack of proper funding, even if the agency would still continue to exists on paper. 

    If Scott's first argument about the CFPB's funding was farcical, this one is a downright dangerous argument for upending the balance of the constitutional system by giving the President the unilateral power to arbitrarily decide what parts of government operations are legal.

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  • Unfair and Abusive Automatic CD Rollovers

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    Earlier this month the FTC finalized its “Click-to-Cancel” Rule to make it easier for consumers to get out of recurring subscriptions and memberships. The rule was promulgated under the FTC’s power to prohibit unfair and deceptive acts and practices in commerce, but the FTC’s jurisdiction under that power does not extend to banks, and banks have an auto-renew product that is in some instances much more problematic than automatic subscription renewals. What I’m talking about are automatic CD rollovers, which are sometimes done in an unfair and abusive way to rollover unsuspecting depositors into way-below-market-rate CD terms.

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  • The Hydraulic Effect of Loper Bright Enterprises in Consumer Finance: More Regulation By Enforcement

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    This term's Supreme Court decisions have completely remade administrative law, both by eliminating Chevron deference and by effectively eliminating the Administrative Procedures Act's statute of limitations. In Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, the Court held that as a constitutional matter federal courts could not give deference to federal agencies' interpretations of ambiguous statutes. And then the Court opened the door to APA challenges to virtually every existing federal regulation, no matter how old, with Corner Post Inc. v. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, a statutory ruling that the APA's six-year statute of limitations runs from the date a plaintiff is allegedly injured by the regulation, rather than from the date of the regulation's finalization. That means that a business that is incorporated tomorrow has at least six years to challenge any regulation that affects it, and maybe more depending on when it is affected. In other words even New Deal or Progressive era regulations could be challenged tomorrow and there would be no deference to the agency's long-standing interpretation of the statute authorizing the regulations. I pity my colleagues who teach admin law–their course lost at least a credit hour's worth of material. Maybe they'll decide to take up commercial law….

    These decisions are, taken together, a major rolling back of the administrative state. But these decisions will affect different agencies differently, and the Court's rulings may have some unintended consequences. To wit, many federal agencies have both rulemaking and enforcement powers. In some instances, enforcement is dependent on rulemaking, as the agency lacks a general statutory prohibition to enforce, but can only enforce its particular rules. The EPA is (I think) an example of this type of agency. It doesn't have a general statutory prohibition of "don't pollute." OSHA and the FDA and NLRB and Dept. of Commerce. For agencies in this category, Loper Bright Enterprises and Corner Post clip not only the agencies' rulemaking power, but also their enforcement power, because they will have to defend the rules they are enforcing. 

    In other instances, however, the enforcement powers are independent of rulemaking, as there is a broad statutory prohibition that the agency can enforce without rules. This is where federal financial regulators sit.  In these cases, Loper Bright Enterprises and Corner Post will have a hydraulic effect:  agencies are going to do what they're going to do, so if they can't do it through rulemaking, they'll do it through enforcement and supervision. In other words, what the Supreme Court did was to supercharge regulation by enforcement in the financial regulatory space.

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  • Second Time as Farce: the Absurdity of the New Anti-CFPB Arguments

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    Karl Marx's famously quipped how historical figures appear twice, "the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce." So too with the legal arguments about the constitutionality of the CFPB's funding: we are firmly in farce territory at this point. 

    Nevertheless, over at Ballard Spahr's Consumer Finance Monitor blog my friend Alan Kaplinsky doesn't seem to get the joke and has earnestly taken issue with my criticisms of Hal Scott's claim that the CFPB's funding is unauthorized both by statute and under the Constitution. I find the legal arguments involved here so thin that I wouldn't bother with a second blog post about them, other than that they've found a welcoming audience from some members of Congress (yes, I can hear the remarks from the peanut gallery…).  So let's go through this again.

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  • CFPB Bitter-Enderism

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    Retired Harvard Law Professor Hal Scott has a curious op-ed in the Wall Street Journal suggesting that despite (or because) of the Supreme Court's recent ruling in CFPB v. CFSA that the CFPB's funding is both unauthorized by statute and unconstitutional on account of the Federal Reserve System running a deficit currently (and projected through 2027).

    It's a bizarre and incorrect argument, and were it coming from anyone other than Scott it could be dismissed as harmless and uninformed flibflab, but Scott is a personage with serious financial regulatory credentials, who is very tied in to the upper crust of anti-financial regulatory circles, such that one has to wonder if this is a trial balloon for a U.S. Chamber of Commerce or Bank Policy Institute-supported challenge. 

    In any event, let me quickly explain why Scott is wrong on both the statutory and constitutional arguments.

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  • Further Thoughts on CFPB v. CFSA

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    I have some further thoughts on the CFPB v. CFSA decision on Bloomberg Law: decision not only benefits consumers but ultimately benefits many financial services businesses by ensuring both a level of stability in regulation and the preservation of the "legal infrastructure" that the CFPB has created over the past 13 years, such as safe harbors, inflation adjustments, and advisory opinions. 

     

  • CFPB v. CFSA Analysis

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    The Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the CFPB's funding mechanism in its 7-2 decision in CFPB v. CFSA. Although I can't say I love the opinion's reasoning, the Court got to the right result, as Patricia McCoy and I urged in an amicus brief. The ruling does have some interesting omissions and politics, but its ultimately impact will be the normalization of the CFPB, something that's good for consumers and businesses alike.

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