• Technical Troubles?

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    This is going to seem like an unusual request, but I have been in tech support hell for the past few days. Everyone has tried to be helpful, but I cannot figure out whether we are having a problem with the blog or not. One person reported to me an inability to reach the site, but we could not figure out whether the problem was with her ISP or with our site. I now know far more about Internet domains than I ever wanted to know. Yesterday, I had a problem accessing the site for about thirty seconds. It was as if the domain did not exist but only for that short time period. It’s one of those computer problems that is intermittent, making it extremely difficult to diagnose.

    First, if you’ve have had problems accessing the site, I apologize. If you have had problems, could you post a comment and let me know. What makes this even stranger is that it seems to be characterized by a geographic locale than an ISP. If you could let me know your geographic location, that would be great. The comments are moderated meaning I will see them but they won’t get posted to the blog. Thanks.


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  • Payroll Debit Cards

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    An administrative snafu at my university led to me receiving my latest payroll on a debit card. Those accustomed to large universities will see nothing unusual in that. Universities exist mainly to propagate bureaucracy, often making research and teaching seem like an afterthought. I have experienced–and I am not making this up–a Committee on Committees and a Committee to Decide Which Time Classes Should Meet. This payroll debit card seemed like another good story about university bureaucracy to tell around the campfire at the next academic conference I attended.

    The only novelty about the payroll debit card was my idea it was a novelty. Payroll debit cards already are a big thing. They can be great for employers because they reduce the expense and hassle of processing paper checks. They can be great for companies selling payroll debit card services because they mean more business and more funds on which they do not have to pay interest. It is just  not always clear that payroll debit cards are great for employees, and it is not always clear that every employee has a choice. I can have my next paycheck sent to my bank account via direct deposit. For part-time or low-wage workers, they may have no choice but to accept a debit card for their pay.

    Payroll debit cards are being pushed big-time by the consumer financial services industry. Do a Google search for "payroll debit cards", and you will find plenty of industry web sites extolling their virtues. (Add the word "consumer" to the search if you want to find web sites discussing some of the pitfalls.) Payroll debit cards are advertised as being cheaper than a bank account, but it is not clear that is always the case. Payroll debit cards are like any other debit card, and fees are charged at ATMs for using them (although the first withdrawal from a payroll debit card is sometimes free). Any other fee that one might get for a debit card also can apply to a payroll debit card.

    There are potential issues with payroll debit cards. First, not all payroll debit card companies are banks, and if the payroll debit card company goes bust, employees could get caught in a legal fight between their employer and the company. There also are questions about what happens if the debit card is lost, although a recent rulemaking from the Federal Reserve subjecting payroll debit cards to the same regulation as ordinary debit cards probably answers the questions and limits the consumer’s losses.

    The consumer financial services industry markets payroll debit cards as especially useful for the "unbanked," persons who do not maintain a regular bank account. Payroll debit cards certainly seem a better solution than check cashing operations with high fees, but payroll debit cards raise policy issues for those interested in consumer finance. I have an open mind whether, on balance, payroll debit cards are a positive development. Read the advertising literature for payroll debit cards, and you will
    see convenience, convenience, convenience. In other words, payroll debit cards make it
    easier for consumers to spend, spend, spend and for a particularly unsophisticated segment of the consumer market. Do payroll debit cards discourage saving? If so, do we really need another fee-based payment system that discourages consumer savings? What are the true out-of-pocket costs of payroll debit cards? Is existing regulation adequate to meet the challenge of payroll debit cards?


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  • Perpetual Debt Servicing Equals Wealth Stripping

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    The topic for this entry was generated by a recent conversation that I had with an individual who was unwavering in his assertion that folks should pay their debts in full, regardless of how long it would take or the costs to a family’s wealth and security. I would like to ponder on the implications of this perspective.

    First, let’s crunch some numbers. Based on data from the Consumer Bankruptcy Project (2001), the average filer of Chapter 7 had a median annual income of right around $20,600 and a median unsecured debt of approximately $27,200. What are the implications of this debt-load? Best case scenario is that the interest on these debts will be around 18%. If the debtor pays the minimum of approximately 3 percent monthly, it will take right at 28 years to repay this debt, and will result in around $27,000 in interest paid to the lenders. At least initially, monthly payments will be just over $800. We know that the majority of filers are 35-44 years old (Sullivan, Thorne and Warren 2001), so the debtor will be approximately 68 years old, maybe 70, before the debt is repaid (assuming that no additional unsecured debt is accrued).

    From these facts evolve two pretty important questions. First, how are families affected by a lifetime of servicing debts like this? For example, how in the world will they be able to put away money for their children’s college expenses when so much is going toward debt repayment? My guess is that they won’t be able to save for college. So, their children will leave college buried in student loan debt. Further, if they are like many American families, the house has probably been refinanced a couple times and will not be paid off before retirement, thus leaving them quite vulnerable to foreclosure. Rather than making larger mortgage payments, the family has spent hundreds of dollars each month bolstering the wealth of the lending industry. And what about saving for retirement? If there is a monthly outlay of $800 to service debts, will there be anything left for the 401K? Doubtful. And if not, then these folks will enter retirement with essentially nothing in savings. Which leaves them quite vulnerable and quite likely to end up dependent on social programs.

    Second, what does this type of perpetual indebtedness mean for the distribution of wealth in our country? Rather than building their own wealth through homeownership, retirement accounts, and higher education, these families are financing the massive wealth accrual of the lending industry. If it were just a couple families who were experiencing this type of wealth transfer, then there would not be much cause for alarm, but millions of families are experiencing this wealth stripping. Their wealth is sifting through their fingers and falling directly into the laps of the credit card companies, who are accruing massive wealth. So, rather than a society of families who have invested in themselves, and as a result have modest wealth and are financially stable, we now have families that are much more likely to have negative wealth and are exceedingly vulnerable—and more likely to eventually need the help of social services.

    So, to return to the comment that precipitated this entry. Does it make sense to chain indebted families to decades or lifetimes of debt repayment? I don’t think so. We would be better off encouraging them to grow their own wealth, rather than transfer it to the already gluttonously wealthy.

    References

    Sullivan, Teresa A., Deborah Thorne, Elizabeth Warren. 2001. "Young, Old and In Between: Who Files for Bankruptcy?" Norton Bankruptcy Law Advisor. 9A:1-10.


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  • Cars in Bankruptcy

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    Last night around the dinner table, I was saying how my day involved pulling 32 bankruptcy court files. "Guess," I said, "what was the average age of the car in which the debtor was claiming an exemption?" As my children rolled their eyes at another boring dinner conversation, my wife said "six months," and a guest offered "one year."

    The answer is . . . .

    (more…)


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  • 21st Century Debt Collection Techniques

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    Several years ago, Lucette Lagnado wrote a series of Wall Street Journal articles on the use of formal debt collection techniques for debts owed to hospitals by patients.  That series probably helped set off a chain reaction of Congressional hearings, state legislative initiatives, lawsuits, and self-regulation measures by the hospital industry. As Bob Lawless has reported, the Boston Globe is nearly done with a set of investigative reports that broaden and deepen the inquiry regarding debt collection practices in Massachusetts, framing each article so far on a major institution or actor that shapes the debt collection process (e.g., debt collection companies, small claims court, and — perhaps the most intriguing — the constable).  Like the Wall Street Journal series, the Globe investigation apparently has been a wake-up call of sorts, this time to the Massachusetts court system.

    The Globe investigation comes at a time of reawakened interest among debtor-creditor scholars in the use of formal collection procedures for consumer debts (including some important systematic in-the-trenches studies being conducted now by Rich Hynes at William and Mary and separately by Sidney Watson and colleagues at Saint Louis University).  In the past several decades, many scholars have assumed that the formal judgment collection process was too expensive and cumbersome for relatively small consumer debts, and largely have focused their research energies elsewhere (e.g., federal bankruptcy, or laws that regulate informal collection techniques such as phone calls or letters).  With technology that facilitates spreading default risk and encouraging debtor repayment through other means, one might have expected even less use of the arcane formal process by repeat player claim holders today than a decade or two ago.  The Globe investigation does not study changes over time, but it does invite the question of whether technological developments and innovation in the credit and collection industries actually have increased, rather than decreased, the use and cost-effectiveness of arcane state collection procedures.


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  • Boston Globe on Debt Collection

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    Readers of this blog will want to take a look at a four-part series from the Boston Globe called "Debtor’s Hell." In the words of the Globe, this series is an "investigation into the world of
    consumer debt in the United States found a system where debt collectors
    have a lopsided advantage, debtors are often treated shabbily by
    collectors and the courts, and consumers can quickly find themselves in
    a life-upending financial crisis." The Boston Globe‘s series comes on the heels of a July 5 article in the NY Times ($) about possible regulatory responses to increasingly aggressive debt collection practices.


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  • Deregulation Drags Down Economy

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    The NYT ran a story that connects two dots—the housing bust and a slowing economy. Because housing has been a big employer, as new home construction comes a standstill, the effects will reverberate through the economy. Thus comes the answer to a question I’ve heard many times:  So long as I’m not strung out on some crazy mortgage, why should I care if the housing market implodes? Because it affects the whole economy.

    Now let’s add a third dot to the picture—the impact of an effectively unregulated home mortgage market. Over the past five years, lenders have sold billions of dollars of mortgages that are designed to go into eventual default because the borrowers cannot possibly afford to pay them. These so-called “creative mortgage products” have two powerful effects: They fueled the boom, pouring more money into an overheated housing market. Now they will accelerate the bust, pushing more people out of their homes through distressed sales, thereby accelerating price collapses on the way down. In other words, a housing bust doesn’t just happen. Regulators who won’t regulate have an effect as well.

    Note the irony: Much of the middle class takes the hit either way. When the housing market exploded, houses became unaffordable in many cities. Last week we talked about firefighters and teachers who cannot afford to live in many cities. (“Great news—get a second job,” said a federal reserve economist.) Families took on terrible risks to try to get a home before they were completely closed out. 

    Now Vikas Babjas and David Leonhardt describe who will be hurt most by the housing implosion: people who work in the real estate industry. “On average, real-estate jobs pay somewhat less — about 7 percent less a year on average — than those in other parts of the economy. But real estate has also been one of the only industries creating good jobs for workers without college degrees in recent years, especially in construction and contracting work.” A big chunk of the middle class crumbles away.

    Housing prices rise and fall for many reasons. The effects of interest rates are widely appreciated, but mortgage rules—or lack of rules—play an important part too. A boom and bust in housing may be hard to avert, but better regulation of home mortgage would have moderated the rise in housing prices as well as the subsequent contraction in the economy when housing cools off.

    Regulation has become a dirty word, but many middle class people will pay a steep price for poor oversight of mortgage lending.


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  • Shame on You: The Stigma Associated with Personal Bankruptcy

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    In the late 1980s, when the upsurge in bankruptcies had just begun and folks were searching for explanations, cries of a decline in stigma rang out. Interestingly, despite an essential absence of data from debtors themselves, this explanation was long-lived. Indeed, it was cited frequently during the Congressional debates that preceded BAPCPA. But as any sociologist would tell you, a decline in stigma as an explanation just doesn’t make sense. Rates of bankruptcy filings are cyclical; stigma does not wax and wane in that way.

    Just last month, Sociological Focus published my article, "Managing the Stigma of Personal Bankruptcy" (co-authored with Dr. Leon Anderson), in which I provide evidence that the stigma associated with filing is alive and well. For those unable to access the article, allow me to summarize. Although the sample was small, 95 percent of the debtors reported that they felt stigmatized by their bankruptcies. For example, a retired mail carrier stated: "I thought of it as a mark against my name . . . It was too embarrassing . . . I feel like I failed. You know, to go bankrupt, that’s a sign of failure."

    Not only did the debtors vocalize their feelings of stigma, but they also managed it in ways that are classic among other stigmatized groups. For example, they tried to conceal their bankruptcies, especially from their parents. One man, a father of two young boys, reacted in the following way when he was asked if his mom knew he had filed: "OH HELL NO!!! No, no, no, no way, no way. Nope. And she won’t ever know. Never! Never. . . . She’d be like, ‘Argh, you piece of shit. Why did you do that?" Debtors also practiced avoidance, whereby they avoided situations that might expose them. An example of this was described by a woman who said that she would never again take her kids to their family dentist because debts to him had been discharged. Rather than risk the potential embarrassment, she concluded that they would have to find a new dentist. Finally, the debtors went to great lengths to differentiate themselves from all those other "deadbeats" out there who supposedly abuse the system. They insisted that their own bankruptcies were bankruptcies "of necessity," not extravagance or abuse. And finally, three-quarters of them insisted that under no circumstances whatsoever would they set foot in bankruptcy court again. One man, who blamed his wife for their bankruptcy, said that he would divorce her first. Another said that he’d kill himself before he’d file again. This is probably an exaggeration, but it demonstrates the power of the stigma of bankruptcy.

    I have no doubt that there are folks out there who file without feeling a shred of remorse or stigma. But my research suggests that they are the minority. For centuries, bankruptcy has been highly stigmatized. And, I would argue, it still is.

    Update: We have opened the comments for this posting.


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  • Email me if you’ll lend me $10,000

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    The title to this post is neither spam nor a joke. A new service, called Prosper Marketplace, gives individual lenders "the privilege to bid" on loaning up to $25,000 to individual borrowers. Building on the success of E-bay, Lending Tree, and, well frankly, Match.com. Prosper allows borrowers to post a picture of themselves and a story of why they want or need money. Borrowers also submit credit information and receive a rating from AA to HR ("high risk".) Borrowers can join "groups" to add to their credibility, such as "Veterans Helping Veterans," "Marquette University Alumni and Friends," and "Teacherloans.com." Prosper charges a modest fee for each loan completed. The Wall Street Journal and Salon have both reported in detail on Prosper.

    While it is too early to know if Prosper will live up to its name (the first loans are just hitting the 120 day period after which they can be labeled in default), I think the early interest in the site reflects frustration with the lending industry. Traditional banks are viewed as too slow and stodgy. Credit cards are viewed as overpriced and too aggressive in collection. Prosper’s model is to literally "bank" on people’s interest in each other. The bidding process combats lender greed, and the vetting process forces borrowers to answer very personal questions about why they need the money. Prosper provides a public glimpse at the variety of reasons that people borrow small sums of money, including to fund a wedding, to make up a gap period before college financial aid arrives, and to pay the closing costs on a house purchase. These types of transactions are usually hidden from view because payday lending and credit card data are proprietary and confidential. The willingness of Prosper’s borrowers to share their financial lives is perhaps a reflection of society’s comfort with borrowing money as a routine part of American consumer behavior.


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  • Parts of BAPCPA Unconstitutional

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    Among the many changes in the 2005 amendments to the bankruptcy law (known as the Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act or "BAPCPA") were provisions designed to restrict what bankruptcy attorneys had to say to clients and what they could not say to clients. Yesterday, a federal judge in Dallas found one of these provisions unconstitutional but upheld other parts of the law. The case is Hersch v. United States, No. 3:05-CV-2330-N (N.D. Tex., July 26, 2006), and the plaintiff was represented by Howard Marc Spector. The opinion is available here.

    BAPCPA lumps bankruptcy attorneys in with all debt relief agencies and then states that no debt relief agency can advise a debtor to incur more debt before filing bankrutpcy. Not surprisingly, Judge David Godbey ruled this provision unconstitutionally restricts speech. I’m no constitutional scholar, but one cannot imagine a more direct regulation of speech (maybe I just lack imagination). Other provisions of BAPCPA require bankruptcy attorneys to make lengthy disclosures to all clients. Despite cases holding the government cannot compel business to make speech, Judge Godbey found this provision constitutional. He analogized to compelled disclosures doctors had to make before performing abortions and that the Supreme Court upheld in the Casey decision.

    There is a lot more I would like to say about this case, but I have to run. Blog readers can breathe a sigh of relief. As an experiment, I have turned on the comments for this posting. My fellow bloggers also may have more to add.


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