Tag: credit card

  • The 79.9% APR Credit Card

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    A while back I blogged about a 79.9% APR credit card offer from First Premier, a subprime card issuer. The point I made in that post was that although the APR was off-the-charts high, it was basically an equivalent pricing to First Premier's other cards, which had lower APRs, but much higher fees.  At the time I did that post, I wasn't able to find a copy of the cardholder agreement for the 79.9% APR card. But thanks to the Credit CARD Act and the Federal Reserve, here it is in all of its glory.

  • The Interchange Cross-Subsidy: False Analogies

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    Zywicki's interchange paper repeats a claim made by other opponents of interchange regulation that cross-subsidies, even regressive ones, exist throughout the economy, so there's no reason to get worked up over the interchange cross-subsidy imposed by credit card network rules. 

    Zywicki provides several examples of cross-subsidies in the consumer economy:  Starbucks charges the same price regardless of whether a consumer takes sugar and cream, so those who take their coffee black subsidize the sugar and cream of the others.  Supermarkets offer free parking, so the walkers subsidize the drivers. 

    Zywicki's examples, however, are false analogies to the credit card
    interchange cross-subsidy from users of low cost payment methods (cash, debit, nonrewards credit) to users of high cost payment methods (rewards credit).  The Starbucks' cross-subsidy is Starbucks' business decision.   The free parking cross-subsidy is the grocery store's business decision.  But the interchange cross-subsidy is not the merchant's business decision.  It is the card network's business decision.  Card networks force merchants to impose a cross-subsidy.  It's an affront to the nose-picking rule of commerce:  you can pick your friends, you can pick your prices, but you can't pick your friends' prices….

    With this in mind, it's worth examining another cross-subsidy caused by interchange.  Interchange fees are paid from acquirers to issuers.  The fees are the same for all banks.  Therefore, the safer banks are subsidizing the riskier banks in a card network.  But there's a catch.  The safer bigger banks often get rebates from the card network in addition to interchange fees. 

    Two interesting points about this.  First, it shows that the card networks won't tolerate cross-subsidies for themselves. Second, it casts some doubt on the efficiency rationale for interchange fees–that one-size-fits-all fees are sensible as a way to avoid the transaction costs of individually negotiating every issuer-acquirer contract.  Truth is that 20 or so banks make up 95% of the credit card market.  The transaction costs for these banks to negotiate with each other is fairly low.  This points to the question of whether small banks should be in the card business at all.  Cards are very much an economy of scale business; smaller issuers tend to see cards as loyalty devices, not profit centers.  Would a 20-bank card market be a more efficient arrangement than the current networks with thousands of institutions? I'm not sure, but I think the efficiency of the interchange system is far from proven.

  • Zywicki on Interchange

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    Todd Zywicki has a new paper out on interchange regulation, just in time to support the banks' push against the Durbin interchange amendment in conference committee. The paper doesn't present any new arguments or evidence.  Instead, it presents a highly polemical form of antiregulatory claims. 

    There's an awful lot to criticize about this paper, starting with its complete unwillingness to engage with pro-regulatory arguments and evidence on anything beyond a strawman basis.  The omission of the findings of the Reserve Bank of Australia (and reliance on a MasterCard funded study instead) on the impact of Australian regulation is remarkable.  

    But don't take my word for it.  Zywicki gets spanked around pretty soundly by the Australian economist Joshua Gans, who objects to the way his work is used by Zywicki in a "very selective and misconstrued way" in a paper whose "broad conclusions" are "flawed." 

    Let me add my own broad objection (I'll probably blog on more of the details later).  Zywicki's general assumption about bank regulation is that if fee type A is regulated, then fee types B and C will increase to offset the regulation.  That might be the result; indeed, it is a variation on the whak-a-mole bank fee thesis (also here), that if fee A is banned, new fees B and C will sprout up. 

    But there is another possible regulatory outcome that Zywicki never considers:  banks might simply have to endure lower profit margins.  If the consumer side of credit card pricing markets is competitive as Zywicki believes (I've got my doubts, which is the point of the whak-a-mole thesis), then the result should be smaller profit margins, instead of shifted fees.  Zywicki seems to take it as a given that banks must maintain profitability levels.  But they don't.  That's the nature of capitalism:  bank have a right to make a profit, but only through fair and legal competition. If a bank can't operate profitably under those conditions, should it really be in business? 

  • Leap Year Interest

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    Call this the Pirates of Penzance card. Chase was recently sued over its calculation of finance charges in a leap year. The suit alleges that Chase computed the daily periodic rate applied to the plaintiff’s balance based on a 365 day year when it was a 366 day leap year. The difference in rates resulted in an additional finance charge of 4 cents.

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  • Credit Card Application Approval Processes

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    An enterprising individual decided to test whether he could get a card using a torn-up application that he taped together and then filed out with a new (unverified) address and phone number.  He ended up with a shiny new Chase Mastercard sent to the new address.  (This story is a couple years old, but I just saw it today.)  If this doesn’t make you go out and buy one of those fancy super-duper
    cross-cutting Ollie North/Arthur Andersen-endorsed shredders, I’m not
    sure what will.  And we wonder why identity theft is a problem…   

    Put that together with the latest story of a dog getting a credit card, and you’ve got to ask whether credit card lending has become like NINJA loans in the mortgage market–does the lender really care about whether the borrower can or will repay?   What’s going on here?  Has securitization created a moral hazard for the card industry?  It’s surely less than in the mortgage industry because card issuers carry much more of the debt themselves than say a mortgage bank.  Or are fraud costs so low that it isn’t worth the cost it would take to fix them?  Or is something else going on? 

    I have trouble believing that this is just a couple of isolated errors or the result of a bad apple.  There are just too many examples of minors and pets getting "pre-approved" card applications.  Or as Alan Greenspan put it a few years back "Children, dogs, cats, and moose are getting credit cards."  Thoughts?  Comments are open. 

  • $175,862.27 in Credit Card Debt and a Bleg

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    I’ve been going through consumer bankruptcy filings recently and have been astounded by the levels of credit card debt that show up on some (but certainly not most) debtor’s schedules of assets and liabilities. I’ve seen a bunch of cases with upwards of $60,000 of debt for a single debtor, a few with over $100,000, and the current record holder is $175,862.27. Yes, that’s right, $175,862.27. That’s larger than a lot of mortgages.

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