I've written extensively (see here, here, e.g.) on why permitting modification of mortgages in bankruptcy would generally not result in higher credit costs or less credit availability. As the debate over bankruptcy reform legislation to help struggling homeowners and stabilize our financial system moves to the fore, it's worth repeating some of the key points and making some new ones.
(1) The key comparison is bankruptcy modification versus foreclosure. Opponents of bankruptcy modification often misframe the issue, whether deliberately or ignorantly. It is not a question of bankruptcy losses versus no losses, but bankruptcy losses versus foreclosure losses. If bankruptcy losses are less than foreclosure losses, the market will not price against bankruptcy modification. This is an empirical question, and to date, my work with Joshua Goodman is the only evidence on it. Opponents of bankruptcy modification have only been able to respond with plain-out concocted numbers (e.g., the Mortgage Bankers Association) or insistence on applying economic theory that looks at the wrong question.
(2) Economic theory tells us that cramdown is unlikely to have much impact on mortgage credit costs going forward. The ability to cramdown a mortgage (reduce the secured debt to the value of the property) is essentially an option borrowers hold to protect themselves from negative equity. It is a costly option to exercise–it requires filing for bankruptcy, and that has serious costs and consequences. More importantly, though, cramdown is typically an out-of-the-money option. It is only in-the-money when (1) property values are falling enough that there's negative equity and (2) likely to remain depressed in the long-term. Long-term declining residential property values have been the historical exception. What this means is going forward there really isn't much for creditors to worry about with cramdown–homeowners can't exercise an out-of-the-money option.
Moreover, because the likelihood of the cramdown option being in the money is Instead, it is an option that is more likely to be valuable when default is imminent, at which point the loan is in the secondary market. So to the extent that the cramdown option does cost creditors, it is the secondary market, and the effects on credit availability and cost to homeowners would be diffused.
(3) Arguments about bankruptcy court capacity and bankruptcy transaction costs are made by people who have no experience with the actual bankruptcy system. A serious misconception about bankruptcy modification is the belief that the bankruptcy judge would decide how to rewrite the mortgage. That's not how bankruptcy works. The debtor (and debtor's counsel) would propose a repayment plan that includes a mortgage modification. The judge either confirms or denies the plan, depending on whether it meets the necessary statutory requirements. This means that bankruptcy judges can actually handle significant consumer bankruptcy case volume. If you want proof that the bankruptcy courts can handle a huge surge in filings, look at what happened in the fall of 2005, before BAPCPA went effective. The courts survived that flood of filings. Today the bankruptcy courts are better prepared; there are more bankruptcy judges (thank you BAPCPA) than in fall 2005. Nor would there be tremendous time and money lost in valuation disputes. After there are a handful of cases decided in a district, all the attorneys know what the likely outcomes would be in future cases and settle on valuations consensually. Court capacity and excessive transaction cost arguments are made by people who have never stepped foot into bankruptcy court.
(4) There's no other serious option on the table. Permitting bankruptcy modification of mortgages will not by itself solve the finance crisis. It will not stop all foreclosures. But it will help stop some uneconomic foreclosures, which benefits homeowners, investors, communities, and the financial system. And, more importantly, whatever imperfections bankruptcy modification has as a solution, it's the only real option on the table.
There is no other detailed legislative proposal. There are various economist pipedream proposals around, but even the best of them fail, either because they are politically unrealistic or because they are too rooted to a belief that the private market can solve problems with a tweak here and there. I believe that people and institutions respond to incentives, but market-based solutions haven't worked to date. How many times do we have to be burned by "market-based" solutions before we try something else? The unfortunate truth is that no one understands enough about various mortgage market players' incentives to properly align them. We can't follow all the trails of servicing contracts, insurance, reinsurance, credit derivatives, overhead, and litigation risk and know what incentives look like. Even if we did, it would take serious time for the market to correct itself and start doing large-scale loan modification. That's time that families don't have, and I don't think that anyone who is advocating a market-based solution is also pushing a foreclosure moratorium to allow the market to get its act together. Bankruptcy modification is the only game in town, and to pretend otherwise is disingenuous cover for opposing it in the name of "studying all the options."
