Tag: interchange

  • Why Is the Government Paying High Interchange Fees?

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    The American Banker (subscription required) reports that Senator Dick Durbin has "added an amendment to an appropriations bill that would require credit card payments accepted at government agencies to be given the lowest available market interchange rates, which typically can only be negotiated by large supermarket chains."

    The amount of money at stake is relatively small–perhaps $28 million/year. But it is rather astonishing that the US government doesn't already get rock-bottom interchange rates. If interchange is supposed to reflect the merchant's risk (an argument sometimes made), the US government should be getting the risk-free rate. It hasn't been. Frankly, I'm not sure why the government should settle for getting the best rates available to large supermarket chains-that's not a risk-free rate. If interchange is about risk-based pricing, surely supermarkets should pay a premium over the government?

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  • Interchange Theory: Simultaneous Rent-Extraction from Both Merchants and Consumers

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    Todd Zywicki and I have been having a back and forth on interchange in several forums.  Todd and Joshua Wright had an op-ed in the Washington Times, I responded with a letter to the editor, and then Todd came back with a blog post. I posted a detailed response to Todd in the comments to his post, but I will repost the core of the response here.  

    In his blog post, Todd says that he can't understand my argument that in the credit card world there are economic rents (supracompetitive prices) being extracted from both merchants and consumers.  Todd thinks the only possible economic rents story is one of merchants being charged too much and consumers too little.  (Todd does not endorse this story, but he at least gives it theoretical credence.)  Therefore, Todd believes that any reduction in interchange income must be offset by an increase in consumer charges.

    What follows is a brief outline of my argument that the current credit (and debit) card system simultaneously extracts economic rents from both merchants and consumers.  The corollary to my argument is that interchange regulation actually produces reductions in the economic rents paid by both merchants and consumers; it does not result in costs being shifted form merchant to consumer, but instead results in reduce profits for card issuers and card networks.  To this end, I present a rough sketch of the net impact of interchange reform in Australia; as surprising as it is, I do not believe this has been done before.  

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  • The Disingenuous Mr. Russell Simmons

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    Russell Simmons (yes, the hip-hop entrepreneur and vegan advocate) is blogging away at Huffington Post against the Durbin interchange amendment.  Simmons claims that his card takes "the poor, the voiceless and the
    under-served" out "from the claws of payday lenders and check cashers, from
    humiliating
    lines waiting to cash their paychecks and then more lines to pay their
    bills." 

    Gosh, you'd think that Russell Simmons was operating a
    charity. Somehow Simmons neglects to mention how much money he is pocketing from debit card swipe fees in addition to the $1/transaction "convenience fee" the RushCard charges its low-to-moderate income users.  (See here for more details on the RushCard.)  The RushCard is an alternative to check-cashing outlets, but that's all that it is–another high-cost financial service for the poor.  I'd be curious to know how much revenue the RushCard makes on interchange; I suspect it would still be quite profitable without it.  Maybe Russell will show us the books.

    Russell Simmons is claiming to be the voice of minority communities and the poor on interchange.  He's not, and his personal financial interest in maintaining high interchange rates compromises him as an advocate on interchange, just as the fees on the RushCard compromise him as an advocate for the poor. 

    It's worthwhile looking at what The Hispanic Institute, which has no financial stake in the matter, found in an empirical study it sponsored on interchange fees.  The study finds that there is a regressive cross-subsidy that has a disproportionate negative impact on low income minority communities.  

    Simmons also misunderstands (perhaps deliberately) the Durbin amendment in his post; he complains that it regulates debit interchange while leaving credit interchange untouched, and that this dings the poor, while leaving the rich unscathed.  That's just wrong.   While part of the amendment deals only with debit cards, part covers all payment instruments, including permitting merchants to offer a discount for debit (how does that hurt the poor?).  The impact of reduced debit card interchange will inevitably be reduced credit card interchange rates for smaller ticket transactions where credit competes with debit. 

    The logic of the Durbin amendment is straightforward:  debit transactions are just like checks, but with even lower fraud risk because of real-time authorization.  Checks clear at par throughout the entire banking system.  Therefore, debit should clear at par too (or close to it–the amendment is generous in this regard).  If debit clears at near par, credit interchange rates will drop, and because merchants are, in general, more price competitive than card issuers, the savings will be largely passed through to consumers.  The card industry will have to learn to live with reduced (but still substantial profits), which should incentivize the card industry to innovate to develop new, efficiencies or higher margin products.  Net result:  consumers win.

  • Interchange Irony: George Mason University Edition

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    George Mason University law professors Todd Zywicki and Joshua Wright have been the leading (and almost sole) academic defenders of the current interchange fee system.

    So how's this for irony:  Zywicki and Wright's own employer announced that it will no longer accept Visa for tuition payments because interchange fees are too high.  (You'll have to watch a 15-second BP propaganda bit before the video on GMU).  The school doesn't want other students or taxpayers footing the bill for rewards programs.  Antiregulatory ideology runs deep at GMU, but clearly it won't get in the way of a real world business decision.  

    Note, btw, that GMU was able to opt-out of taking a particular card network (somehow the other networks are permitting a convenience fee to be tacked onto the tuition bill to cover interchange).  Universities are in a rather unique position of being able to refuse to take cards altogether.  For most merchants, taking payment cards is just part of operating in the modern commercial economy.  

  • Russell Simmons, Interchange Crusader

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    It's amazing who the interchange debate will bring out of the woodwork.  Hip-hop entrepreneur Russell Simmons has been making the rounds on Capitol Hill (and on Huffington Post) urging Congress not to act on interchange reform.  Why is Simmons so engaged with this issue?  

    The answer is because he makes a lot of money off of interchange from a very questionable product.  Simmons markets the "RushCard" a Visa-branded prepaid debit product marketed primarily to the black community.  The card provides a payment device for an ersatz deposit account, which allows cardholders to make transactions when cash is not accepted.  Remember that there is no extension of credit to the consumer on the RushCard.  Instead, like any prepaid debit product, the RushCard consumer is actually lending money to Bancorp Bank, the card issuer.  And, as we'll see, the consumer is actually paying money to make an interest-free loan to the Bancorp Bank.  

    Simmon's claim is that the RushCard provides important access to financial services for the unbanked:  it's helps consumers avoid check cashing and bank account fees, has greater security than cash, is convenient, and it's "the prepaid card that provides respect." 

    What's respect worth?  Well, take a look at the fee schedule below and decide for yourself.  

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  • The Interchange Cross-Subsidy: False Analogies

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    Zywicki's interchange paper repeats a claim made by other opponents of interchange regulation that cross-subsidies, even regressive ones, exist throughout the economy, so there's no reason to get worked up over the interchange cross-subsidy imposed by credit card network rules. 

    Zywicki provides several examples of cross-subsidies in the consumer economy:  Starbucks charges the same price regardless of whether a consumer takes sugar and cream, so those who take their coffee black subsidize the sugar and cream of the others.  Supermarkets offer free parking, so the walkers subsidize the drivers. 

    Zywicki's examples, however, are false analogies to the credit card
    interchange cross-subsidy from users of low cost payment methods (cash, debit, nonrewards credit) to users of high cost payment methods (rewards credit).  The Starbucks' cross-subsidy is Starbucks' business decision.   The free parking cross-subsidy is the grocery store's business decision.  But the interchange cross-subsidy is not the merchant's business decision.  It is the card network's business decision.  Card networks force merchants to impose a cross-subsidy.  It's an affront to the nose-picking rule of commerce:  you can pick your friends, you can pick your prices, but you can't pick your friends' prices….

    With this in mind, it's worth examining another cross-subsidy caused by interchange.  Interchange fees are paid from acquirers to issuers.  The fees are the same for all banks.  Therefore, the safer banks are subsidizing the riskier banks in a card network.  But there's a catch.  The safer bigger banks often get rebates from the card network in addition to interchange fees. 

    Two interesting points about this.  First, it shows that the card networks won't tolerate cross-subsidies for themselves. Second, it casts some doubt on the efficiency rationale for interchange fees–that one-size-fits-all fees are sensible as a way to avoid the transaction costs of individually negotiating every issuer-acquirer contract.  Truth is that 20 or so banks make up 95% of the credit card market.  The transaction costs for these banks to negotiate with each other is fairly low.  This points to the question of whether small banks should be in the card business at all.  Cards are very much an economy of scale business; smaller issuers tend to see cards as loyalty devices, not profit centers.  Would a 20-bank card market be a more efficient arrangement than the current networks with thousands of institutions? I'm not sure, but I think the efficiency of the interchange system is far from proven.

  • Zywicki on Interchange

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    Todd Zywicki has a new paper out on interchange regulation, just in time to support the banks' push against the Durbin interchange amendment in conference committee. The paper doesn't present any new arguments or evidence.  Instead, it presents a highly polemical form of antiregulatory claims. 

    There's an awful lot to criticize about this paper, starting with its complete unwillingness to engage with pro-regulatory arguments and evidence on anything beyond a strawman basis.  The omission of the findings of the Reserve Bank of Australia (and reliance on a MasterCard funded study instead) on the impact of Australian regulation is remarkable.  

    But don't take my word for it.  Zywicki gets spanked around pretty soundly by the Australian economist Joshua Gans, who objects to the way his work is used by Zywicki in a "very selective and misconstrued way" in a paper whose "broad conclusions" are "flawed." 

    Let me add my own broad objection (I'll probably blog on more of the details later).  Zywicki's general assumption about bank regulation is that if fee type A is regulated, then fee types B and C will increase to offset the regulation.  That might be the result; indeed, it is a variation on the whak-a-mole bank fee thesis (also here), that if fee A is banned, new fees B and C will sprout up. 

    But there is another possible regulatory outcome that Zywicki never considers:  banks might simply have to endure lower profit margins.  If the consumer side of credit card pricing markets is competitive as Zywicki believes (I've got my doubts, which is the point of the whak-a-mole thesis), then the result should be smaller profit margins, instead of shifted fees.  Zywicki seems to take it as a given that banks must maintain profitability levels.  But they don't.  That's the nature of capitalism:  bank have a right to make a profit, but only through fair and legal competition. If a bank can't operate profitably under those conditions, should it really be in business? 

  • The Australian Interchange Experience

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    The New York Times ran a story on the impact of interchange regulation in Australia.  Calling it interchange regulation is somewhat of a misnomer.  The Reserve Bank of Australia in fact acted to bust up anticompetitive private regulation of interchange.  Payments are an area with intense regulation, but that regulation is often private self-regulation.  Thus, what occurred is better thought of as interchange deregulation. 

    Guess what?  Interchange regulation is working exactly as one would have predicted.  Consumers who want rewards have to pay for them directly now.  They can't free-ride off of other consumers (using cash, debit, or non-rewards credit cards) to finance their frequent flier miles, etc.  Not surprisingly, annual fees have gone up for rewards cards.  This has also pushed consumers toward greater debit card usage, which is often a healthy thing.  (To be fair, there is a similar move to debit in the US without interchange deregulation, so the causation in Australia is questionable.)

    A predictable problem has arisen in Australia, however.  Some merchants are now imposing credit card surcharges that are greater than the cost of accepting credit card transactions.  This isn't good for consumers.  But it isn't a problem with interchange regulation.  This is just a symptom of less than perfectly competitive markets in other areas of the economy.  Excessive surcharging is most likely to appear in the least competitive areas of the economy. 

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  • Interchange Legislation Overview

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    It's summer, so it must be interchange season here in DC.  A trio of interchange-related bills have been introduced (or really reintroduced) in Congress.  First, there is the House version of the Credit Card Fair Fee Act of 2009, H.R. 2695, sponsored by Representative Conyers.  Second, there is the Senate version of the Credit Card Fair Fee Act of 2009, S. 1212, sponsored by Senator Durbin.  And third, there is the Credit Card Interchange Fees Act of 2009, H.R. 2382, sponsored by Representative Welch.  I think it is useful to summarize what these bills would do and their approaches to interchange regulation. 

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  • Interchange Fee Settlement

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    MasterCard settled a lawsuit brought by the European Commission’s Directorate General for Competition, which alleged that MC (and Visa’s) “Multilateral Interchange Fee” (MIF) an interbank fee for cross-border transactions in Europe (basically good old US interchange) was anticompetitive. While the settlement allows MC to keep charging an MIF, MC agreed to drop the weighted average of the fee from between .8% and 1.9% to .3% for credit cards and .2% for debit cards. As the Commissioner for Competition Policy noted, “MasterCard could not justify their level with any solid methodology, or explain what, if any, efficiency gains were being passed on to merchants and consumers at the end of the day.” Visa has not settled in the litigation.

    MasterCard’s MIF was always much lower than US interchange, which is somewhere upwards of 2.0% (and that’s not the full merchant discount fee, just the interchange component). But now we see that MasterCard has decided that it can survive by charging just .3% interchange on credit cards in Europe. So why are American merchants going to pay seven times as much in interchange for credit card transactions? Are American banks or merchants seven times riskier? Or is US antitrust law just seven times weaker?